Showing posts with label Kanshi Ram. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kanshi Ram. Show all posts

Sunday, November 2, 2014

Sanket Garud on Modern Forms of Casteism



Sanket Garud on Modern Forms of Casteism


"But Mind You I Don't Believe in Caste!"

Dude, what's your caste?
But mind you I don't believe in caste!

Do you enjoy reservations?
Aah how lucky you people are!!
But mind you I don't believe in caste!

We people struggle so hard to get admissions
And you all... Aah so lucky you people are!!
But mind you I don't believe in caste!

I come from a Brahmin family
We follow our rituals!
What rituals do you people have?
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

Aah... I thought you were a Brahmin
Because you look like one!!
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

You scored such good grades!!
But did you get admissions on the basis of reservations??
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

I worship our gods and this is our culture
that we have been following throughout
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

Oh... You are fair...
your complexion doesn't let me believe
that you are not a Brahmin
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

I never was Castiest...
I come from a poor family
But then too these people get such facilities!
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

There is no Castiesm nowadays..
May be practiced in some rural areas...
no one follows it in urban areas
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

These people are so dumb
They look so ugly... Aah that black colour!!
I just hate this guy
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

These people know nothing
But to roam around Give 'Gaalis' (swearing),
these people are not even educated
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

Aah these 'Jhopadpatti' (slum) people...
We are not meant to stay with them
They know nothing but to fight
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

These people have no values at all
They are manner-less and would be a waste of time talking to them
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

Eww... you know he was from a low caste
Why need to marry him?
He won't be able to compete with us
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

I treat you like others naah...
so why do you still believe in caste?
I treat you like you are human
But mind you I don't believe in caste!!

Saturday, November 1, 2014

Some Unknown facts about Dr. Ambedkar



Some Unknown facts about Dr. Ambedkar 


Some Unknown facts about Dr. Ambedkar on 'MAY DAY' also known as 'LABOR DAY'...
Please Read the complete article.

If there any person who secured the rights of Laborers in India, the person was none other than “Father of Modern India” & Revolutionary Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. Without Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, today the future of India Labors would have been in pitch darkness. He is the only leader in India who was multi-dimensional and a great visionary. After all he was born in the land of the most congenital casteist the nation we know as ‘India’. The staunch upper caste's never give credit to Dr. Ambedkar's contribution in building a great nation which today is one of the developing economies of the world. Thanks to his robust economic policies which have saved India even in the times of great Economic Depressions. Be it the founding guidelines of the RBI or the Principles of Free Trade, Dr. Ambedkar has given all the best for our Nation.


Here is some piece of valuable information to share about what Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar did for Labors as a Labor leader and as the Labor Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council between 1942 and 1946. He was sworn as the Labor Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council in July 7, 1942.

Brilliant contributions made by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar
  • Reduction in Factory Working Hours (8 hours duty) : Today the working hours in India per day is about 8 hours. We do not know that how many Indians know, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was the Savior of Labors in India. He brought 8 hours duty in India and change the working time from 14 hours to 8 hours became a light for workers in India. He brought it on the 7th session of Indian Labor Conference in New Delhi, November 27, 1942.
  • Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar framed many laws for Women Labors in India :
  • Mines Maternity Benefit Act,
  • Women Labor welfare fund,
  • Women and Child, Labor Protection Act,
  • Maternity Benefit for women Labor, 5. Restoration of Ban on Employment of Women on Underground Work in Coal Mines,
  • Indian Factory Act.
  • National Employment Agency (Employment Exchange): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was instrumental in bringing the establishment of employment exchanges. He created employment exchanges in India as the Labor member in Provincial government in British India after the end of 2nd world, so also the tripartite mechanism of settling Labor issues through trade unions, Labors and the government representatives and introducing skill development initiative in the government sector. Due to his relentless efforts ‘National Employment Agency was created.
  • Employees State Insurance (ESI): ESI helps the workers with medical care, medical leave, physically disabled during working injuries as compensation Insurance for providing various facilities. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar enacted and brought it for the benefit of workers. Actually India only brought ‘Insurance Act’ as the first nation among the East Asian countries. Credit goes to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar.
  • The original source of reference for all the 13 Finance Commission reports, in a way, are based on Dr. Ambedkar’s P.hd thesis, "The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India", written in 1923.
  • India’s Water Policy and Electric Power Planning: The policy formulation and planning for the development of irrigation and electric power was the major concern. It was the Labor Department under the guidance of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, who decided to establish "Central Technical Power Board" (CTPB) for power system development, hydro power station sites, hydro-electric surveys, analyzing problems of electricity generation and thermal power station investigation . Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar emphasized on the significance and need for the “Grid System”, which is still working successfully even today. If today power engineers are going abroad for training, the credit goes to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar again, who as a leader of Labor Department formulated policy to train the best engineers-overseas. It is a matter of shame that nobody credits Dr. abasaheb Ambedkar for the role he played in India’s water policy and electric power planning. [For more about ‘India’s Water Policy and Electric Power Planning’, Refer: Dr. Ambedkar’s Role in Economic Planning Water and Power Policy by Sukhadeo Thorat].
  • Dearness Allowance (DA) to Workers.
  • Leave Benefit to Piece Workers.
  • Revision of Scale of Pay for Employees.
  • Coal and Mica Mines Provident Fund: At the time, Coal Industry played a vital role in our country’s economy. Due to this, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar enacted the Coal Mines Safety (Stowing) Amendment Bill for the benefit of the workers on January 31st, 1944. On 8th April 1946, he brought the Mica Mines Labor Welfare Fund which helped the workers with housing, water supply, education, entertainment, co- operative arrangements.
  • Labor Welfare Funds: Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar set up an Advisory Committee to advise on matters arising out of the Labor Welfare under B P Agarkar. Later he promulgated it on January, 1944.
  • Post War Economic Planning: When 2nd World war ended, there were many challenges for India, such as re-establishing the economy; including improvement in agriculture, development of industries, rehabilitation and re- deployment of defense services etc. For this, the Reconstruction Committee of Council (RCC) was established. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was a member of RCC and was assigned the role of the President of "Policy Committee for Irrigation and Power" of great significance but less well known among Dr. Ambedkar's contribution to the nation was his direct participation in the formulation of objective and strategy of post-war economic plan & planned development of water and electric power resources in the country. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was directly involved in framing of the objective and strategy of economic planning and water and electric power policy though he made a substantial contribution to the economic planning and water and electric power resource development in this position, surprisingly, this aspect of his contribution has hardly been studied. [For more about ‘Post War Economic Planning’ Refer: Dr. Ambedkar’s Role in Economic Planning Water and Power Policy by Sukhadeo Thorat].
  • Indian Statistical Law: In 1942, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar passed the Indian Statistical Act. Later D K Paisendry (Former Deputy Principal, Information Officer, Government of India) said in his book, without Dr. Ambedkar’s Indian Statistical Act he could not formulated the Labor conditions, their wage rates, other Income, Inflation, debt, housing, employment, deposits and other funds, Labor disputes.
  • The Indian Trade Unions (Amendment) Bill: Indian Labor Act was enacted in 1926 . This only helped to register the trade unions. But it did not approved by the government. On 8 November, 1943 he brought the Indian Trade Unions (Amendment) Bill for Compulsory recognition of trade unions.
  • Creator of Damodar valley project, Hirakund project, The Sone River valley project: Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar who started and Plan outlined, on the lines of the Tennessee Valley project, the Damodar Valley project. Not only Damodar Valley Project but also Hirakud project, The Sone River valley project were outlined by him. In 1945, under the chairmanship of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, then Member of Labor, it was decided to invest in the potential benefits of controlling the Mahanadi for multi purpose use. But almost were hiding and wrongly been attributed entirely to Nehru’s vision for industrialization through multi purpose river valley projects. It was Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar who in fact, as the then Member for Labor in the Viceroy’s Council, played the most central role in introducing large dam technologies into India . If you ask any school going child, where Damodar Valley, Hirakund and the Sone River Valley projects are, and who inaugurated these projects, they will tell you the names of Nehru-Gandhi family, although they have nothing to do with these projects. (Check out the wiki page giving details that Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India, Dr. B.C.Roy, chief minister of West Bengal and Sri Krishna Sinha, chief minister of Bihar, took personal interest to ensure early success of the project). We have been taught in schools about these projects but we don’t find a word about Dr. Ambedkar’s prominent role and contribution towards all these projects. Since 1930 emphasis has been increasingly placed on engineering practices, on the hydrological unity of a river basin on treating the basin as the unit of development of its water resources. Credit for multi purpose project (irrigation and generating electric power together) goes to Irrigation and Power Department, under the leadership of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. Keeping in view the enhanced magnitude of such projects, it was keenly felt that the technical expert bodies available then at the center weren’t adequate. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar approved the Central Water way and Irrigation Commission (CWINC) in March 1944, and subsequently by the Viceroy on April 4, 1945. Thus Dr.Babasaheb helped build a strong technical organization for the development of India. If our houses are illuminated and if our fields are green, it’s because of Dr. Ambedkar’s stellar role in the planning of these projects, on which rests a major part of India’s economy today. If there is such a concept as water-management and development in India, then the credit goes to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar for ably using the natural resources to serve India. If it was not for Dr. Ambedkar’s vision, one can imagine the situation of electric supply, irrigation and development of India. [For more, Refer: Dr. Ambedkar’s Role in Economic Planning Water and Power Policy by Sukhadeo Thorat].
  • Health Insurance Scheme.
  • Provident Fund Act.
  • Factory Amendment Act.
  • Labor Disputes Act.
  • Minimum wage.
  • The Legal Strike. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar believe that caste is not merely the division of Labor but division of labourers based upon the graded inequality. Further in his ‘Annihilation of Caste’, Volume - I, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches, “ In no other country is the division of Labor accompanied by this gradation of labourers. There is also a third point of criticism against this view of the Caste System. This division of Labor is not spontaneous; it is not based on natural aptitudes. Social and individual efficiency requires us to develop the capacity of an individual to the point of competency to choose and to make his own career. This principle is violated in the Caste System in so far as it involves an attempt to appoint tasks to individuals in advance, selected not on the basis of trained original capacities, but on that of the social status of the parents. Looked at from another point of view this stratification of occupations which is the result of the Caste System is positively pernicious. Industry is never static. It undergoes rapid and abrupt changes. With such changes an individual must be free to change his occupation. Without such freedom to adjust himself to changing circumstances it would be impossible for him to gain his livelihood. Now the Caste System will not allow Hindus to take to occupations where they are wanted if they do not belong to them by heredity. If a Hindu is seen to starve rather than take to new occupations not assigned to his Caste, the reason is to be found in the Caste System. By not permitting readjustment of occupations, caste becomes a direct cause of much of the unemployment we see in the country. As a form of division of Labor the Caste system suffers from another serious defect. The division of Labor brought about by the Caste System is not a division based on choice. Individual sentiment, individual preference has no place in it. It is based on the dogma of predestination.”
    References:
    * Volume 10 – Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar as member of the Governor-General’s Executive Council (1942-46).
    * A Tamil article by Tamilmaraiyan.
    * Dr. Ambedkar’s Role in Economic Planning Water and Power Policy by Sukhadeo Thorat.
    * Volume 1 - Annihilation of Caste by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar


    Compiled & Edited By
    CBA (Channel Babasaheb Ambedkar) Community Media
    WE LET YOU KNOW WHAT THEY DON'T WANT YOU TO KNOW

Friday, October 31, 2014

Daily Words of the Buddha


Daily Words of the Buddha

Karaṇīyamatthakusalena
yanta santaṃ padaṃ abhisamecca:
Sakko ujū ca suhujū ca,
sūvaco cassa mudu anatimānī,
santussako ca subharo ca,
appakicco ca sallahukavutti,
santindriyo ca nipako ca,
appagabbho kulesvananugiddho.
Na ca khuddamācare kiñci
yena viññū pare upavadeyyuṃ.
Listen: http://host.pariyatti.org/dwob/sutta_nipata_1_143_1_144_1_145.mp3

This is to be done by one skilled in aims
who wants to break through to the state of peace:
Be capable, upright, & straightforward,
easy to instruct, gentle, & not conceited,
content & easy to support,
with few duties, living lightly,
with peaceful faculties, masterful,
modest, & no greed for supporters.
Do not do the slightest thing
that the wise would later censure.

Sutta Nipāta 1.143, 1.144, 1.145
http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0505m.mul0.xml#para143
Translated from the Pali by Thanissaro Bhikkhu

Thursday, October 30, 2014

Was Ambedkar Anti-Muslim? Read the Truth



Was Ambedkar Anti-Muslim? Read the Truth: Ambedkar, Muslims and Partition - By Asghar Ali Engineer


AMBEDKAR, MUSLIMS AND PARTITION - By Asghar Ali Engineer

The Sangh Parivar keeps on raking up caste and communal issues since it has pro-people programmes. It thrives only on casteism and communalism and raking up issues pertaining to caste and communal controversies. After Gujarat carnage in which entire Sangh Parivar was involved now Mr. Katiyar of Bajrang Dal and president of U.P. BJP has raked up issue of Ambedkar and Muslims and that Ambedkar was anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan.


Shri Katiyar maintains that his contention is based on Dr. Ambedkar's book on Pakistan entitled Pakistan or Partition of India. As all communalists basically perpetrate lies and falsehood and spread disinformation in order to establish their case, Katiyar is no exception. In fact Dr.Ambedkar was in no way against Muslims or Islam. But anyone can be quoted out of context to prove what one wants to. Ambedkar was no Muslim baiter as he was a very meticulous and careful scholar and would not indulge, like members of the Sangh Parivar, into community baiting.


Ambedkar's book on Pakistan is a work of great scholarship. I have reprint of its 1946 edition constituting the 8th volume of his writings and speeches published by Education Department of Government of Maharashtra. The plea of the book is such that one can easily extract some statements to suit ones purpose. But an honest scholar has to read the book in totality to understand Ambedkar's views on Muslims and on Pakistan.


Ambedkar has divided his above book into five parts. The first part deals with "Muslim case for Pakistan". Second part deals with "Hindu case for Pakistan". Third part talks about "What If Not Pakistan". Part four deals with "Pakistan and the Malaise" and part fifth discusses with issues like "Must There be Pakistan", "The Problem of Pakistan" and "Who can Decide?"


It can thus be seen that if one quotes Dr. Ambedkar say from first section in which he gives Muslim point of view on Pakistan one can prove that Ambedkar totally favoured creation of Pakistan and if one quotes Ambedkar from second section i.e. "Hindu Case Against Pakistan" one can prove that Ambedkar was against Muslims. What Katiyar is doing is quoting Ambedkar from second section of his book to prove that Dr. Ambedkar was against Muslims.


It is interesting to note here that Ambedkar maintains in the third section, chapter VII that "Strange as it may appear Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the one nation versus two nations issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India - one the Muslim nation and the other the Hindu nation." Further he says, "They differ only as regards the terms and conditions on which the two nations should be. Jinnah says India should be cut up into two, Pakistan and Hindustan, the Muslim nation to occupy Pakistan and the Hindu nation to occupy Hindustan. Mr. Savarkar on the other hand insists that, although there are two nations in India, India shall not be divided into two parts, one for the Muslims and the other for Hindus; that the two nations shall dwell in one country and shall live under the mantle of one single constitution: that the constitution shall be such that the Hindu nation will be enabled to occupy a predominant position that is due to it and the Muslim nation to made to live in the position of subordinate co-operation with the Hindu nation."


Thus it will be seen that Dr. Ambedkar has very fairly stated position of both the parties. He is not stating his own views in these two sections of his book. In fact Ambedkar is so fair and objective that he feels that one should not describe all invasions of India by Muslims as invasions against infidels or against India only. He says, "These invasions of India by Muslims were as much invasions of India as they were wars among Muslims themselves." "This fact has remained hidden", Ambedkar says, "because the invaders are all lumped together as Muslims without distinction. But as a matter of fact, they were Tartars, Afghans and Mongols. Muhammad (Mahmud?) of Ghazni was a Tartar, Mahommed of Ghori was an Afghan, Taimur was a Mongol, Babar was Tartar, while Nadirshah and Ahmadshah Abadali were Afghans."


Continuing this line of argument Dr. Ambedkar says, "In invading India, the Afghan was out to destroy the Tartar and the Mongol was out to destroy the Tartar as well as the Afghan. They were not a loving family cemented by the feeling of Islamic brotherhood. They were deadly rivals of one another and their wars were often wars of mutual extermination." This is very objective understanding of history and is not inspired by any communal attitude. However, one may differ from Ambedkar when he says, "What is, however, important to bear in mind is that with all their internecine conflicts they were all united by one common objective and that was to destroy the Hindu faith."


But here Ambedkar is clearly contradicting himself. When Tartars and Mongols and Afghans were out to exterminate with each other and were not bound by the feeling of Islamic brotherhood how could they be united by any common objective to "destroy Hindu faith". In fact these Muslim invaders had no such objective despite their rhetoric to the contrary. In fact many of them invaded at the invitation of Hindu rulers of India. But it must be said that Dr. Ambedkar is, on the whole, quite objective in assessing the history of Muslim rulers.


Dr. Ambedkar did not even support the Gandhian position that let the British quit India and then Indians would settle the matter among them and would sort out communal question. In fact in his introduction to the book Ambedkar says, "The British cannot consent to settle power upon an aggressive Hindu majority and make it its heir, leaving it to deal with the minorities at its sweet pleasure. That would not be ending imperialism. It would be creating another imperialism.The Hindus, therefore, cannot avoid coming to grips with Pakistan, much as they would like to do."


Thus Ambedkar is quite categorical in his assertion that the communal or minority question should be properly settled before the British leave India. He feels that the minorities cannot be left to the mercy of "aggressive majority" as he puts it. Ambedkar has thoroughly examined the Muslim (or rather Muslim League) point of view in the first section of his book "Muslim Case for Pakistan". Explaining Muslim League view he says, "?is it or is it not a fact that Muslims of India are an exclusive group? Is it or is it not a fact that they have consciousness of kind? Is it or is it not a fact that every Muslim is possessed by a longing to his own group and not to any no-Muslim group?"


And then he goes on to say, "if the answer to these questions is in the affirmative, then the controversy must end and the Muslim claim that they are a nation must be accepted without cavil." Can one quote this passage from Ambedkar to maintain that he was advocating the cause of Pakistan? Oh, certainly not. Ambedkar is explaining Muslim League's point of view, not his own.


Ambedkar had his own view of Muslims and Pakistan. He was totally opposed to the concept of Hindu Raj as well. In the section "Must There Be Pakistan" he says, If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country. No matter what the Hindus say, Hinduism is a menace to the liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost."
Still Ambedkar did not want partition. He says, "How have the French, the English, and the Italians succeeded in preventing the Raj of the majority community being established in their country? Surely, not by partition: What is their method? Their method is to put a ban on communal parties in politics. No community in Canada, South Africa or Switzerland ever thinks of starting a separate communal party."


Ambedkar makes a very pertinent point in this respect and Indian Muslims should coolly deliberate over this. Ambedkar says, What is important to note is that it is the minority nations, which have taken the lead in opposing the formation of a communal party. For they know that if they form a communal party the major community will also form a communal party and the majority community will thereby find it easy to establish communal Raj. It is vicious method of self-protection."


Thus it is very clear that Ambedkar was certainly not anti-Muslim nor in favour of Pakistan. He wanted a just solution to the minority problem in India. He gives his suggestions in the last section of his book i.e. part v. On page 359 of his book Ambedkar says that "Is not a fact that under the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms in most provinces, if not in all, the Muslims, the non-Brahmins and Depressed Classes united together and worked the reforms as members of one team from 1920 to 1937? Herein lay the most fruitful method of achieving communal harmony among Hindus and Muslims and of destroying the danger of Hindu Raj. Mr. Jinnah could have easily pursued this line. Nor was it difficult for Mr. Jinnah to succeed in it."


And Ambedkar was convinced that "..Mr. Jinnah is the one person who has all the chances of success on his side if he had tried to form such a united no-communal party. He has ability to organize. He had the reputation of a nationalist."


Thus a careful study of Ambedkar on the question of Pakistan makes it clear that he was far from being anti-Muslim as Shri Katiyar of BJP would like to project him. He was very balanced and just in his attitude towards Muslim question and suggested very constructive way out. One must read the full text of the book to understand Ambedkar's attitude towards the communal question in pre-independence India. Likes of Katiyar have neither ability nor honesty to study Ambedkar's writings before making public statements. He does so only to derive political mileage and polarise Hindus and Muslims on one hand, and Muslims and dalits, on the other, to monopolise Hindu votes.


Article Authored - By Asghar Ali Engineer 
Originally Posted on JANUARY 16-31, 2003
source: http://www.csss-isla.com/arch%20165.htm

Daily Words of the Buddha



Daily Words of the Buddha 

Udakañhi nayanti nettikā,
Usukārā namayanti tejanaṃ,
Dāruṃ namayanti tacchakā,
Attānaṃ damayanti paṇḍitā.
Listen: http://host.pariyatti.org/dwob/dhammapada_6_80.mp3

Irrigators direct the water,
Fletchers fashion the shaft,
Carpenters bend the wood,
The wise control themselves.

Dhammapada 6.80
http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0502m.mul5.xml#para80

Wednesday, October 29, 2014

Dalit News

Daily Words of the Buddha


Daily Words of the Buddha 

Yathāpi pabbato selo,
acalo suppatiṭṭhito,
evaṃ mohakkhayā bhikkhu,
pabbatova na vedhatī.
Listen: http://host.pariyatti.org/dwob/udana_3_24.mp3

Just as a mountain of rock,
is unwavering, well-settled,
so the monk whose delusion is ended,
like a mountain, is undisturbed.

Udāna 3.24
http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0503m.mul2.xml#para24
Translated from the Pali by Thanissaro Bhikkhu

Monday, October 27, 2014

Dalit News


Unable to pay fee, dalit students in Faridkot village decide to boycott exam

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chandigarh/Unable-to-pay-fee-dalit-students-in-Faridkot-village-decide-to-boycott-exam/articleshow/44936723.cms

Appoint special task force to probe Dalit killings: Governor to DGP


Dalit family alleges threat to life



Dalits Need True Representatives to Emerge Strong, Says Vundru


No breakthrough yet in Maharashtra Dalit family murder








Daily Words of the Buddha


Daily Words of the Buddha 

Māvamaññetha puññassa, "Na mantaṃ āgamissati."
Udabindunipātena udakumbhopi pūrati.
Dhīro pūrati puññassa, thokaṃ thokampi ācinaṃ.
Listen: http://host.pariyatti.org/dwob/dhammapada_9_122.mp3

Think not lightly of good, saying, "It will not come to me."
Drop by drop is the water pot filled.
Likewise, the wise one, gathering it little by little,
fills oneself with good.

Dhammapada 9.122
http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0502m.mul8.xml#para122
The Dhammapada: The Buddha's Path of Wisdom, translated from the Pali by Acharya Buddharakkhita
http://store.pariyatti.org/Dhammapada-Buddhas-Path-of-Wisdom_p_1507.html

Dr. Ambedkar photo of the day - get motivated!

Saturday, October 25, 2014

Daily Words of the Buddha



Daily Words of the Buddha 

Attā hi attano nātho,
attā hi attano gati.
Tasmā saṃyamamattānaṃ
assaṃ bhadraṃva vāṇijo.
Listen: http://host.pariyatti.org/dwob/dhammapada_25_380.mp3

You are your own master,
you make your future.
Therefore discipline yourself
as a horse-dealer trains a thoroughbred.

Dhammapada 25.380
http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0502m.mul24.xml#para380

Friday, October 24, 2014

“DALIT RIGHTS ARE HUMAN RIGHTS”: WORKING WITH THE NCDHR


“DALIT RIGHTS ARE HUMAN RIGHTS”: WORKING WITH THE NCDHR

A banner flashing the words ”Dalit Rights are Human Rights” caught my eye as I walked through the maple doors into the Central Secretariat of the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) that is located in an area of Delhi called South Patel Nagar. Immediately next to the banner I could spot a large portrait of B.R. Ambedkar, the famous drafter of the Indian constitution, who had himself been a member of the so-called ‘untouchable’ community in India and coined the term Dalit (broken, suppressed) to refer to those who belonged to it.  Today, fifty years after his death, Ambedkar is still the incontrovertible hero of the ‘untouchable’ community and the champion of Dalit rights.  His photograph remains as ubiquitous in Dalit political institutions as the pictures of Gandhi elsewhere in India.
In fact, many contemporary NGOs, activist groups and even Think Tanks specialising in issues of Dalit discrimination and marginalisation, such as NCDHR or the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS), continue to draw much of their inspiration, as well as specific strategies from Ambedkar’s writings.  Yet, there is also an increasing acknowledgment of the fact that new historical circumstances, the changing political and economic face of India, and processes of globalisation call for a more time-tailored type of Dalit activism; a kind of activism that can successfully tap into popular discourses and utilize new linguistic and conceptual tools. One notion that becomes particularly important and useful in this context is the idea of human rights.
This September I spent six weeks with the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights in Delhi, conducting fieldwork for my Masters thesis. Despite the fact that I had done a fair amount of background research on both Dalit activism and on the organisation itself, I was unsure what to expect. Working with academics, activists and policy makers alike NCDHR did not clearly fall into any institutional category, notably successful in its national but especially international advocacy efforts NCDHR is a registered NGO that uniquely combines elements of grassroots community organisation, policy lobbying on the state, as well as the national level and an awareness raising campaign.
The central office in Delhi coordinates four separate and clearly targeted sub-campaigns: The National Dalit Movement for Justice, the Campaign for Dalit Economic Rights, The Movement for Dalit Women’s Rights, and a disaster management initiative called National Dalit Watch. Each of these specialized sub-campaigns collaborates with state-level Dalit NGO’s, which in turn provide resources and capacity building to community advocates. In this way skills, as well as financial assets filter down to the grassroots, while, simultaneously, important insights from the community level are translated up the chain to the central office. There regular staff members, many of which hold Masters degrees or even PhDs integrate this information into their recommendations to Indian policy makers or their reports to international bodies, such as the UNDP.
During my initial days at NCDHR I focused much of my time and energy on the attempt to understand the precise institutional character of the organisation. Yet I soon realised that maybe I was asking the wrong question altogether. As I began to interview the campaign administrators in the central secretariat, attended meetings with grassroots activists and participated in debates on current issues of marginalisation it became clear to me that what NCDHR’s members were truly concerned with was contributing strategic innovation to an ancient struggle.
Over tea one day, Abhay Xaxa, the programme coordinator for the Dalit Movement for Economic Rights (Dalit Arthik Adhikar Andolan), frankly informed me that he thought I was missing the point. “You keep trying to figure out in what ways NCDHR is an activist campaign or a research organisation,” he said shaking his head. “We are all those things, but that’s not what’s important. What is important is how we differ. We try to beat politicians at their own game.  We are the new activists.”
Now we can all agree that self-assessment is a tricky thing, and even more so when it comes to an organisation with a clear mission in the fight against injustice.  Therefore, whether or not NCHDR’s work actually represents a uniquely new approach is questionable.  However it is undeniable that the organisation’s line of attack lives from the mobilisation of distinctly modern discourses, such as that of economic analysis and Human Rights. Mr. Xaxa’s campaign has set itself the task of addressing the issue government funding for Dalits and other marginalised groups like tribals (politically referred to as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes respectively) by performing a meticulous investigation into the patterns of money allocation revealed in annual budget reports.
What is important is how we differ. We try to beat the politicians at their own game. We are the new activists.
Paul Diwarkar, the General Secretary of NCDHR summarised this strategy for me during a team meeting one day. “People tend to think about Dalit activism merely in terms of identity politics. You know, people demonstrating, talking about everyday untouchability and discrimination. While all these things are crucial we realise that many people across India prefer to be blind to the continued discrimination we face. Therefore we need to convince them with numbers and charts and reports. We need to present them with tools they are familiar with and believe in.”
It is for precisely this reason that NCDHR has chosen to frame its demands in terms of human rights. Although as an anthropologist I can confirm that there continues to be much discussion about the universal applicability or the ideal formulation of human rights, the idea that we need general moral guidelines of this kind has become widely accepted.  Through the ratification of various UN charters countries around the globe have made human rights their responsibility.  “By saying that Dalit Rights are human rights, we are making this everyone’s issue, and everyone’s responsibility,“ Beena Pallical, the National Convener for NCDHR told me. “It’s all about the way you frame it.”
It is difficult to assess the extent of NCDHR’s success as a human rights organization or even an awareness raising campaign after the brief time I spent working there this summer.  NCDHR is a young initiative, merely 20 years old and evaluating its work would require a close look at its achievements on the local community level, as well as in national and international advocacy over an extended period. Yet I am convinced that NCDHR has managed to tap into a crucial insight: even if certain demands for justice remain constant they need to be articulated in the political and linguistic tools of their time to be heard.
Making people see and acknowledge discrimination is not simply a matter of pointing it out but a question of how one points it out. In this sense activism is and always needs to be new.

Wake up Dalit-Bahujans! Wake UP!



Daily Words of the Buddha



Daily Words of the Buddha 

Attadīpā viharatha,
attasaraṇā;
anaññasaraṇā.
Dhammadīpā,
dhammasaraṇā;
anaññasaraṇā.
Listen: http://host.pariyatti.org/dwob/digha_nikaya_2_165.mp3

Make an island of yourself,
make yourself your refuge;
there is no other refuge.
Make Dhamma your island,
make Dhamma your refuge;
there is no other refuge.

Dīgha Nikāya 2.165
http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0102m.mul2.xml#para165

Monday, October 20, 2014

डॉ. अम्बेडकर की 22 प्रसिद्ध प्रतिज्ञाएँ




 डॉ. अम्बेडकर की 22 प्रतिज्ञाएँ 

डा बी.आर. अम्बेडकर ने दीक्षा भूमि, नागपुर, भारत में ऐतिहासिक बौद्ध धर्मं में परिवर्तन के अवसर पर,15 अक्टूबर 1956 को अपने अनुयायियों के लिए 22 प्रतिज्ञाएँ निर्धारित कीं.800000 लोगों का बौद्ध धर्म में रूपांतरण ऐतिहासिक था क्योंकि यह विश्व का सबसे बड़ा धार्मिक रूपांतरण था.उन्होंने इन शपथों को निर्धारित किया ताकि हिंदू धर्म के बंधनों को पूरी तरह पृथक किया जा सके.ये 22 प्रतिज्ञाएँ हिंदू मान्यताओं और पद्धतियों की जड़ों पर गहरा आघात करती हैं. ये एक सेतु के रूप में बौद्ध धर्मं की हिन्दू धर्म में व्याप्त भ्रम और विरोधाभासों से रक्षा करने में सहायक हो सकती हैं.इन प्रतिज्ञाओं से हिन्दू धर्म,जिसमें केवल हिंदुओं की ऊंची जातियों के संवर्धन के लिए मार्ग प्रशस्त किया गया, में व्याप्त अंधविश्वासों, व्यर्थ और अर्थहीन रस्मों, से धर्मान्तरित होते समय स्वतंत्र रहा जा सकता है. प्रसिद्ध 22 प्रतिज्ञाएँ निम्न हैं:

१. मैं, ब्रम्हा, विष्णू और महेश इनको भगवान नहीं मानूंगा तथा इनकी उपासना नहीं करुंगा।
२. मैं, राम और कृष्ण इनको भगवान नही मानूंगा तथा इनकी उपासना नहीं करुंगा।
३. मैं, गौरी, गणपती आदि हिंदूधर्म की किसी भी देवी या देवताओं को नहीं मानूंगा तथा इनकी उपासना नहीं करुंगा।
४. मैं, भगवान ने कभी अवतार लिया इस पर मैं विश्वास नहीं रखता।
५. बुद्ध यह विष्णू का अवतार है इस पर मेरा विश्वास नही है, यह जान-बुझकर किया गया झुठा प्रचार है ऐसा मैं मानता हुँ।
६. मैं, श्राद्ध पक्ष नही करुंगा तथा पिंड-दान नही करुंगा।
७. मैं, बुद्ध के तत्वों और शिक्षा का भंग हो ऐसा आचरण नहीं करुंगा।
८. मैं, ब्राम्हणों द्वारा किए जाने वाले किसी भी धर्मानुष्ठान को अनुमति नही दूंगा।
९. मैं, मानव की समानता में विश्वास रखुंगा।
१०. मैं, समता प्रस्थापित करने में प्रयत्न करुंगा।
११. मैं, बुद्ध के “आर्य अष्टांगिक मार्ग” का पालन करुंगा।
१२. मैं, बुद्ध द्वारा बतायी गई “पारमिताओं” का पालन करुंगा।
१३. मैं, सभी सजीवों पर करुणा तथा दया करुंगा और उनकी रक्षा करुंगा।
१४. मैं चोरी नहीं करुंगा।
१५. मैं झुठ नहीं बोलुंगा।
१६. मैं, व्यभिचार नहीं करुंगा।
१७. मैं, शराब, मादक पेय जैसे नशीले द्रव्यों का सेवन नहीं करुंगा।
१८. मैं बौद्धधर्म के प्रज्ञा, शील तथा करुणा इन तीन तत्वों को अपनाकर अपना जीवन यापन करुंगा।
१९. मैं, हिंदूधर्म का परित्याग करता हुँ, जो असमानता पर आधारित होने के कारण मानवता के लिए हानिकारक और मानव की उन्नति और विकास में बाधक है, और अपने धर्म के रुप में बुद्ध धर्म का स्वीकार करता हुँ।
२०. केवल बुद्ध का धम्म ही सत्य धर्म है ऐसा मेरा दृढ़ विश्वास है।
२१. यह (धर्मांतरण से) मेरा पुनर्जन्म हो रहा है ऐसा मैं मानता हूँ।
२२. मैं विधिवत् तथा दृढ़तापूर्वक यह घोषणा करता हुँ कि मैं इसके बाद मेरा जीवन बुद्ध और उनके धम्म के तत्वों तथा शिक्षा के अनुसार बिताऊंगा।

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